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By Alex Blaszczynski
In this article, we have presented
an interesting case describing the development of pathological gambling
and attempted to argue that factors instrumental in precipitating impaired
control over gambling may no longer be relevant in its maintenance. David
Hodgins correctly highlights the fact that there is currently no conceptual
model that integrates the myriad factors underlying the development and
maintenance of impaired control in pathological gambling.
One can only fully support
Hodgins' view that most models make reference to concepts that are neither
sufficient nor necessary to explain the onset and continuation of problem
gambling behaviours, and that there is an imperative need to advance testable
hypotheses and models that rely more on prospective designs, and less
on retrospective or subjective reports. Sadly, most efforts to date are
founded on the premise that those with pathological gambling problems
constitute a homogenous group of individuals influenced by the same complex
set of interacting variables. As a consequence, in an effort to explain
the aetiological process underlying gambling, there is a tendency to force
all gamblers into the one cast. Durand Jacobs' General Theory of Addictions
models fit into this mould, whereas McConaghy's behaviour completion perhaps
less so.
A consistently reported clinical
observation is that stresses precipitate bouts of gambling and that gambling
represents a gambler's attempt to escape from emotional turmoil. Gambling
produces heightened arousal, narrowed attention and an "altered state
of consciousness" variably referring to the gambler as being in a state
of dissociation or "in action." The fundamental drive underlying gambling
is to maintain this state of arousal with winning as the means by which
this state can be prolonged. I endorse Rina Gupta's and Durand Jacobs'
views that many gamblers utilise gambling to cope with psychological distress
and stresses, but argue that such an explanation applies only to a proportion
of those with gambling problems.
Jacobs calls upon a set of
predisposing stressors in interaction with hyper or hypo states of baseline
arousal. Accordingly, two conditions need to be met in all pathological
gamblers: pre-morbid stresses leading a sense of rejection, low self-worth
and poor self-image, and a physiological resting state that requires either
augmentation or reduction. The psychological motivation underlying gambling
is the creation of a state of dissociation that provides temporary relief
from psychic pain. Rina Gupta's experiences echo this perspective.
McConaghy's model, on the other
hand, invokes the concepts of cortical neuronal substrates and behavioural
completion mechanisms to account for recurrent patterns of gambling behaviour.
The prerequisite requirements are the development of a habitual pattern
of behaviour with no reference to the presence of premorbid psychopathology
or negative life experiences. Once a habitual pattern of behaviour is
established, a wide range of stressful internal and external events are
capable of precipitating the drive to carry out the behaviour. The excitement
of gambling distracts the gambler's focus of attention from aversive stresses
and thus becomes negatively reinforcing.
I have long argued that it
is limiting to conceptualise those with pathological gambling problems
as a homogenous population subject to the same pathogenic processes. We
must divide this population into at least three subtypes: "normal" pathological;
emotionally vulnerable; and biologically disposed impulsive gamblers.
Jacobs' model can be legitimately applied to the emotionally vulnerable
gambler but falls short of accounting for the normal gambler. McConaghy's
model can account for all three groups, and therefore, it is more comprehensive
and parsimonious.
Durand Jacobs' clinical assessment
that the back injury and resultant chronic pain exerted a profound impact
on the client's quality of life, self-image and psychological functioning
is not in dispute. But his interpretation that the "enthusiastic discovery
that high excitement
provided an escape" through the mechanism of
dissociation, while attractive on some levels, is limited in its ability
to explain the phenomenon witnessed in this unique and unusual case. Jacobs
correctly observes that gambling is an inherently exciting activity for
both social and problem gamblers. He advances the position that the pathological
gambler's drive to induce a dissociated, altered state of consciousness
is the end consequence of his or her attempt to deal with stresses, and
that the primary objective is to maintain this state for as long as possible.
This distinguishes the pathological from the social gambler.
However, it is noted that Mr.
S.M. described a 15-year history of social gambling yet during this period
he did not use the dissociation of gambling as a coping strategy in the
context of other life stresses. Why so? If dissociation is to be invoked
as the fundamental motivating component underlying impaired control over
gambling, it is necessary to provide an explanation of the processes that
lead from social to impaired gambling behaviour in individuals with a
premorbid history of social gambling and stresses. At the same time, it
is important to explain why, in the absence of stress or poor self-image
or poor self-worth, a proportion of "normal" gamblers lose control over
their behaviour only to regain mastery and resume participation in patterns
of controlled gambling.
Part of my argument hinges
on the pivotal role purportedly played by dissociation, the key construct
forming the foundation of Jacobs' model. Notwithstanding Jacobs' disagreement
with Cardena's argument, I must agree with David Hodgins' comments that
dissociation is a particularly fuzzy concept.
But have we lost touch with
considering the simpler possibility that gambling is an intrinsically
exciting and enjoyable pastime pursued for its own sake, much the same
as people seek out any other enjoyable activity such as chess, sports
or watching movies? Jacobs alludes to this when he refers to the underlying
motivation of a gambler as the need to "stay in action." Csikszentmihalyi
(2000) defines such recreational activities as "autotelic experiences,"
ones in which there is no implicit external reward or goal beyond the
pursuit of the activity and maximising enjoyment for its own intrinsic
sake. Is this not so with gambling? The central feature of this experience
is the funnelling of attention toward a limited stimulus field (narrowing
of attention), loss of ego or self-consciousness and merging of awareness
and activity. In other words, the person pursues the activity for its
own sake because it is enjoyable, and in so doing, loses his or her perspective
of time, self and environment. The gambler is in action.
The arousal associated with
this enjoyment is of a sufficient level, in the case of Mr. S.M., to cause
a distraction from pain, perhaps much in the same way that a sportsperson
is oblivious to an injury sustained in the height of play, a level of
arousal capable of greater distraction than reading or meditation. To
call this dissociation imposes an unnecessary complexity on the epiphenomenona.
Gambling is simply an exciting
and enjoyable activity that engrosses one's attention. As such it falls
along a dimensional plane as Jacobs suggests. However, in support of Cardena,
I would argue that some states of dissociation do not represent an extreme
position on a continuum, but a qualitatively different state of consciousness.
Therefore, if the term dissociation is to be used in gambling, it is necessary
to clarify the term used and to define its operational boundaries. Otherwise,
let us just use the simpler term of distraction to describe the
excitement or enjoyment experienced while gambling.
Hodgins raises a valid point
when he questions why cognitive therapy was used rather than training
in alternative distraction and pain management techniques. Although not
described in the case study, the psychiatrist and hypnotherapist had applied
a variety of pain management techniques that together with medication
and alcohol use did not prove effective. I would hazard the guess that
had such interventions been effective, Mr. S.M. might not have lost control
over his gambling. By the same token, alcohol and medication, while ameliorating
the severity of pain to some extent, did not match the same profound effect
produced by gambling, hence causing gambling to became the effective "drug"
of choice.
The inherent arousal produced
by the enjoyment of gambling caused a significant reduction in pain, a
comparatively greater reduction than was achieved by alcohol, medication
or other interventions. Mr. S.M.'s gambling experiences shaped cognitive
belief structures leading him to believe that he could eventually win
and recoup losses. The cognitive intervention that was formulated and
applied was justified on the grounds that, independently of the negative
reinforcement produced by the analgesia, his experiences at gambling modified
cognitive belief structures that acted to perpetuate further gambling.
Pathological gambling is a
major public health problem that exerts a destructive influence on individuals,
their families and society in general. To understand the behaviour we
need to advance clearly articulated and testable conceptual models. In
so doing, we need to be cognisant of several elements: people with pathological
gambling problems are not a homogenous population; pathological processes
leading to the development of the condition differ between cases; and
variables relevant in the development of pathological gambling may not
contribute to its persistence.
Submitted: February 1,
2001
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